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The M23 Movement: History, Impact, and the Path Forward in the Democratic Republic of the Congo

The M23 Movement, a major rebel group in the DRC, has played a key role in shaping the region's conflict. This article explores its history, goals, impact, and the ongoing challenges for peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The M23 Movement, named after its claim that the Congolese government failed to honor a peace agreement signed on March 23, 2009, has played a prominent role in the ongoing conflict in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). One of around 100 armed groups operating in the region, M23 is largely composed of  ethnic Tutsis who initially broke away from the Congolese army, citing ill-treatment. The group first emerged in 2012, briefly capturing the city of Goma, before being pushed back by the Congolese military and UN forces. After a decade of dormancy, M23 resurfaced in 2022, advancing once again on Goma and seizing critical territories. The conflict is deeply intertwined with the region’s complex history, dating back to the aftermath of the 1994 Rwandan genocide and the tensions between  Hutus and Tutsis that continue to fuel violence in the area. The DRC government and the UN accuse Rwanda of supporting M23, seeking to gain control over the region's mineral wealth. Despite Rwanda’s denials, the presence of foreign soldiers and mercenaries, along with accusations of ethnic persecution, continues to exacerbate an already volatile situation.

M23 soldier Bunagana Hill - North Kivu Province
Al Jazeera English, CC BY-SA 2.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

History and Formation of the M23 Movement

The M23 Movement has deep historical roots in the complex political and ethnic conflicts of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), particularly involving the aftermath of the  1994 Rwandan Genocide. After the genocide, an estimated one million Hutu refugees, including many who had participated in the killings, fled Rwanda and sought refuge in neighboring Congo. This influx set the stage for decades of instability in the region.

In 1996, Rwanda, under pressure from the presence of Hutu militias in Congo, invaded the country and backed rebel groups that eventually led to the fall of Congo's long-time dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko. Over the next decade, various armed groups formed in eastern Congo, including the  National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), aimed at defending the Tutsi population in the region and challenging the Congolese government.

In March 2009, the CNDP signed a peace agreement with the DRC, agreeing to integrate its fighters into the national army. However, this peace did not last. By 2012, frustrations over the government's failure to uphold the agreement and the continued marginalization of Tutsi fighters led to a mutiny. Hundreds of former CNDP soldiers, led by Colonel Sultani Makenga, defected from the Congolese army and formed the M23 movement. The group named itself after the March 23, 2009, peace deal, which they claimed had been violated by the government.

The rebellion's roots were not just military but also deeply intertwined with the governance issues of the DRC. M23 leaders, including  General Bosco Ntaganda, famously known as "The Terminator," accused the government of exploiting ethnic tensions and failing to address human rights, democracy, and governance reforms. The rebellion also grew from resentment over the government's mishandling of political and military affairs, including failure to address the soldiers' grievances about poor conditions and lack of integration.

Tensions in eastern DRC were further inflamed by competition over control of the region's lucrative mineral resources, with allegations that former CNDP soldiers exploited their military positions to dominate local mining activities. The government's failure to resolve these issues led to escalating violence, including forced displacement of civilians and widespread human rights abuses committed by the M23. Despite its claims of fighting for justice and reform, M23's tactics, including recruiting young villagers and committing atrocities, contradicted its stated objectives.

The conflict was complicated by external factors, with Rwanda accused of providing military, logistical, and financial support to M23, despite international pressure to halt such aid. This involvement of neighboring countries and the ongoing internal conflict has continued to shape the dynamics of the region, ensuring that M23's origins remain firmly linked to the broader history of ethnic and political tensions in central Africa.

Key Figures in the M23 Movement

The M23 Movement, during its various phases, has been shaped by several prominent leaders, with military figures playing a pivotal role in the conflict.

General Sultani Makenga

General Sultani Makenga is one of the most prominent military leaders associated with the M23 movement. Born on December 25, 1973, Makenga is an ethnic Tutsi from North Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). His early military career began in the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), where he fought during the Rwandan Civil War. Makenga's involvement in the Congolese conflicts spans from the 1990s through the early 2000s, including the First and Second Congo Wars, and he was a key figure in the CNDP rebellion, which laid the groundwork for the M23.

M23 Leader Sultani Makenga
Nicolas Pinault (VOA), Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Makenga's role in M23 began in earnest in 2012 when he led a mutiny of former CNDP soldiers within the Congolese army. Under his leadership, the M23 was formed after the group's dissatisfaction with the DRC government's failure to honor the March 23, 2009, peace agreement. Makenga's faction was also noted for clashing with other political leaders within M23, including Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero, creating internal divisions. In 2012, he faced United Nations sanctions, which were followed by additional sanctions from the United States for the recruitment of child soldiers, a charge he denied. Despite his denials, he continued to be a key figure in M23's military operations.

After M23's defeat in 2013, Makenga surrendered to Ugandan authorities in  Mgahinga National Park. He was held in an undisclosed location but resurfaced in 2016 when he attempted to restart insurgent activities in the DRC with a small group of fighters. Reports suggest that he received support from Uganda's military. In 2024, he was sentenced to death in absentia by a Congolese military court for his involvement in the rebellion.

Bosco Ntaganda

Bosco Ntaganda, born on November 5, 1973, is another key figure who played an integral role in the formation and operations of M23, although his involvement was primarily through his previous leadership in the CNDP. Ntaganda, known as "The Terminator," was born in the DRC but fought with the Rwandan Patriotic Army before becoming deeply involved with rebel groups in eastern Congo. He was a prominent leader of the CNDP before M23 was formed and is remembered for his role in the violence that marked the early 2000s.

In 2013, Ntaganda became internationally infamous for his role in the recruitment and use of child soldiers during the conflict. He was indicted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes, specifically for enlisting children under the age of 15 and forcing them to participate in hostilities. Facing the charges, Ntaganda voluntarily surrendered to the U.S. Embassy in Rwanda in March 2013 and was transferred to the ICC.

Ntaganda's involvement in M23 was marked by his leadership within the military faction of the CNDP, which later became part of M23. After his surrender,  he was convicted by the ICC in 2019 on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, receiving a 30-year prison sentence.

These leaders, Sultani Makenga and Bosco Ntaganda, were critical figures in the M23's military strategy and operations, contributing to the movement's formation and its significant impact on the DRC's eastern region.

Current Status and Future Prospects

The M23 rebel group has dramatically escalated its offensive in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), recently seizing control of the key city of Goma, a strategic urban hub in  North Kivu province. This move marks a significant blow to the Congolese army and an intensification of the long-standing conflict in the region, which has already resulted in the deaths of hundreds and the displacement of millions over the years.

On January 27, 2025, M23 rebels declared Goma under their control after rapidly advancing on Congolese army positions. The city, which is home to nearly 2 million people, has been rocked by heavy gunfire and explosions as the conflict rages on. While initial reports indicated full control by M23, conflicting accounts suggest that pockets of resistance from the Congolese army and pro-government militias continued to resist overnight. Despite this, the situation has prompted widespread panic among residents, many of whom fled to neighboring towns in fear for their safety. Social media footage showed large crowds on foot and motorbikes, carrying their belongings as they sought refuge.

The ongoing fighting has caused significant displacement. In January alone, more than 237,000 people were displaced, adding to the over 1 million already living as refugees in Goma. M23 has also captured other nearby towns like Sake and Minova, intensifying its offensive throughout the region. The  recent killing of Major General Peter Cirimwami, the military governor of North Kivu, further exemplifies the intensity of the conflict.

The humanitarian impact has been severe, with thousands of civilians caught in the crossfire. Hospitals are overwhelmed with casualties, and displaced people struggle to find safety. The violence has also claimed the lives of at least 13 peacekeepers, including nine South African soldiers and several others from Malawi and Uruguay, as they attempted to defend Goma against the M23 advance.

The capture of Goma holds strategic significance due to the city’s proximity to rich mineral resources in eastern Congo, which have long been contested by various rebel groups and foreign powers. M23’s control over Goma could further destabilize the region and intensify the humanitarian crisis, as the group aims to consolidate power over the area.

Looking ahead, the future prospects of M23 and the DRC remain uncertain. The M23’s control over Goma, coupled with the backing it allegedly receives from neighboring Rwanda, positions the group as a significant force in the ongoing conflict. However, international pressure, including UN condemnation and peacekeeping efforts, could alter the trajectory of the fighting. The ongoing humanitarian disaster, coupled with the region’s strategic importance, will likely continue to draw attention from international actors seeking to mediate or intervene in the conflict. However, with the situation on the ground deteriorating, the prospects for peace remain uncertain as the violence shows no signs of abating in the near future.

M23 FAQ

Who leads the M23 group?

The M23 group is led by three prominent figures:

1. Sultani Makenga – The military chief of M23, Makenga is an ethnic Tutsi and has played a significant role in M23's operations. He has a history of involvement in conflicts, including the Rwandan Civil War, and was a leader during key confrontations between M23 and the Congolese military.

2. Bertrand Bisimwa – The president of M23, Bisimwa has been a key leader of the movement. He has condemned international interventions, such as the United Nations' deployment of a special attack force after M23's brief capture of Goma in 2013. He later led the group after its defeat in 2013 and declared troop disarmament, though he faced accusations from the Congolese military.

3. Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero – The former president of M23, Lugerero is an evangelical bishop who initially opposed negotiations regarding M23's withdrawal from Goma. He was later ousted from the group after accusations of treason, including financial mismanagement and political immaturity, which led to clashes within the movement.

What does M23 want to achieve?

M23 aims to achieve territorial expansion and long-term control over the regions it captures, with plans to exploit the resources in these areas. According to the United Nations, the group is focused on the occupation and exploitation of conquered territories. One of the group's significant achievements was seizing  Rubaya, home to one of the world's largest coltan mines, a critical resource used in the manufacturing of smartphones. M23 has set up a "state-like administration" to manage mining, trade, and transport, generating substantial profits, reportedly over $800,000 per month.

The minerals extracted from these territories are often routed to Rwanda, raising concerns about the role Rwanda plays in supporting the group. Critics suggest that M23's stated aim of protecting Tutsi and Congolese people of Rwandan origin from discrimination may serve as a cover for Rwanda's broader economic and political interests in eastern Congo.

Additionally, M23's actions could be part of Rwanda's broader strategy to test its influence and assert control over the region, with the potential backing of Rwanda shaping the future of the insurgency.

What role does Rwanda play in the M23 conflict?

Rwanda is widely accused of playing a significant role in the M23 conflict, with the United States and U.N. experts accusing the country of backing the group. While M23 initially had a few hundred members in 2021, the group now boasts around 6,500 fighters, with Rwanda's support playing a key role in its operations. 

Rwanda denies these allegations but has admitted to having troops and missile systems stationed in eastern Congo, claiming these are for safeguarding its security. U.N. experts estimate that up to 4,000 Rwandan forces are present in Congo. Analysts suggest that Rwandan troops have been increasingly active in the region, providing instructions and support to M23 leader Sultani Makenga through the Rwandan Army and intelligence services.

Rwanda's official stance is that its military presence in eastern Congo is a response to threats posed by Congo's military reinforcement in the region, and it asserts that Congo harbors members of the Hutu ethnic group responsible for the  1994 Rwandan Genocide. However, the continued support and involvement of Rwanda in the M23 insurgency remains a subject of controversy and concern.

Why is Goma important to M23?

Goma is important to M23 for several reasons. As a regional hub, the city plays a crucial role in trade, security, and humanitarian efforts. Its airport is vital for transporting supplies, making it a strategic asset for the control and distribution of resources.

Goma, North Kivu Province in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Lydie maliki, CC BY-SA 4.0 , via Wikimedia Commons

Since 2021, the Congolese government, along with allied forces including Burundian troops and U.N. peacekeepers, has worked to keep M23 away from the city. Capturing Goma would represent a significant victory for M23, providing a huge boost to the rebels while marking a major defeat for government forces.

Who is supporting M23?

M23 has received significant  support from Rwanda, according to United Nations experts and intelligence agencies from Congo and the West. Although Rwanda denies direct involvement, it has acknowledged the presence of its troops and missile systems in eastern Congo, claiming they are there to safeguard Rwanda's security. U.N. experts estimate that up to 4,000 Rwandan forces are operating in the region. 

Support for M23 includes instructions and backing from the  Rwandan Army and intelligence services, particularly for their leader, Mr. Makenga. While Rwanda argues that the military presence is due to security concerns, such as the region harboring Hutu militia members responsible for the 1994 genocide, Congo, the United States, and U.N. experts accuse Rwanda of directly backing the M23 group. 

As of 2021, M23 had hundreds of members, and by 2023, this number grew to around 6,500 fighters, with continued support from Rwanda.

Sources

 Conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo - Council on Foreign Relations

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